Tunisia, Controversy and Elections
Controversy Surrounding the Tunisian Elections
November 19, 2014
This article has been produced by the efforts of the following members:
Reem Kaawach – Primary article contributor examining Tunisian Democracy
Sabrine Elejel – Team Leader and article Editor examining Tunisian Democracy
Tunisian voters will take to the polls again, casting their ballots in the upcoming Presidential election on November the 23rd, 2014. This will be the first time since Tunisians overthrew former President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in 2011, that they will choose their head of state democratically. However, with the coming election, former pre-revolutionary government officials are threatening the return of the old regime. One of the prominent former regime figures making his return in the presidential election is Beji Caid Essebsi, founder of Nidaa Tounes, which recently defeated the Islamist party in the parliamentary elections.
Essebsi, a veteran politician involved in Tunisia’s post-independence government under president Habib Bourguiba, the Ben Ali regime, is raising questions of whether or not the secularist party and presidential candidate will resort to governing using old practices of the past.[1] The possibility of an old-regime politician and party, controlling both parliament and presidency is a major concern, with fear that Essebsi’s victory will bring about a new era of one-party dominance.
Another development in the Tunisian presidential election is the Islamist party Ennahda’s bold move not to back any candidates in the upcoming election. Due to complaints from the opposition groups, that Ennahda’s dominance in the last government hindered the democratic transition of Tunisia, the party has chosen not to participate in the election. This decision means that Ennahda is keen on working together with Nidaa Tounes to establish a coalition government, and is using this as a strategic maneuver to exercise political influence. By showing that they are pro-civil democracy, and willing to coexist with secularist Nidaa Tounes, Ennahda is creating an image of neutrality, telling foreign observers that they are different from other Islamist parties with extremist agendas.
Since they are not endorsing a specific candidate, members of their one million support base will either direct their votes elsewhere, or not vote at all; making it difficult for any presidential candidate to win the first round of elections. If no candidate wins a majority, a second round of voting will take place in December.[2] If a second round of voting occurs, Ennahda could choose to step in and support one of the candidates towards a potential victory. If they manage to successfully propel a candidate to presidency, they could use them to maintain political influence and lay out their claims. This sort of low-key presence and support during the election is the perfect way for Ennahda to combat the anti-Islamic tide sweeping the region.
Among the countries that were a part of the Arab uprisings, Tunisia’s transition seems to be on track, with the presidential election officially completing their post-revolutionary move towards democracy. Restoration of investor confidence in the Tunisian economy will highly depend on the cooperation between Nidaa Tounes and Ennahda. If both parties can work together to avoid political deadlock (which prevented economic growth in 2013, reported growth was 2.6% rather than the forecasted 4.5%)[3], growth in Tunisia’s economy will likely accelerate. As long as Tunisia continues to work towards establishing safety and security, foreign investors should have no problems investing in democracy, peace, and tolerance. Tunisia gives hope to the Arab region, and shows the world that democracy can be obtained.
